Experts: Iran 'Foremost' State Sponsor of Terrorism

Experts: Iran 'Foremost' State Sponsor of Terrorism

Dave Eberhart, NewsMax.com
Thursday, March 9, 2006

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WASHINGTON, D.C. -- Iran is the world's foremost state sponsor of terrorism, concluded a panel of Middle East and terrorism experts during a panel discussion entitled, "Iranian Support for Terrorism: The Shadow War" at the Heritage Foundation Wednesday.

Noting that nation's long history of ties with terrorism, the panel that included Dr. Christopher Harmon of the Marine Corps University; Dr. Kenneth Katzman of the Congressional Research Service; James Phillips, a research fellow for Middle Eastern Affairs at the Heritage Foundation; and Michael Kraft, a counterterrorism consultant, further concluded that the strong terrorism link is what makes Iran's nuclear weapons program all the more threatening to a wide variety of nations.

In a wide-ranging program, the panel highlighted that since the 1979 Iranian revolution, Tehran has seized American diplomats, ordered American hostages to be taken in Lebanon, assassinated Iranian opposition leaders at home and abroad, and supported a stealthy terrorist war against the United States, Israel, and other nations.

While Katzman noted Iran's history of fervently seeking leadership in the Islamic world, Phillips emphasized that Iran notoriously continues to hold a number of top al-Qaida officials.

One key figure enjoying asylum, said Phillips is "Sa'ad bin Laden, who is believed to be an emerging leader. He is the oldest of Osama bin Laden's 27 children, who formally lived with him [his father] in Afghanistan and Sudan.

"Iran is also believed to be harboring Saif al-Adel, a top terrorist coordinator linked to the 1998 embassy bombings [U.S. embassy bombings in Kenya, Tanzania, Aug. 7, 1998] and also to the 2003 bombings in Saudi Arabia."

On May 12, 2003 suicide bombers killed 35 people, including nine Americans, in attacks at three housing compounds for Westerners in Riyadh.

The expert noted that intelligence has indicated that al-Adel has most likely been in Iran since 2002.

Phillips also pointed to the presence in Iran of Suleiman Abu Ghaith, the Kuwaiti-born spokesman for al-Qaida.

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Among a host of statements, the al-Qaida spokesman in 2002 threatened "new attacks against American targets.

"America must prepare itself and fasten its seat belt. We will arrive from where they [the Americans] are not expecting," he warned. "Yes, we will undertake attacks, but at the right time, in the place we choose and in the manner we want."

Phillips stated: "Iran first denied harboring any al-Qaida, then admitted low level officials before admitting that there were high-level as well."

"A large number of small and big-time elements of al-Qaida are in our custody," famously announced Iran's intelligence minister, Ali Yunesi to reporters in July of 2003.

In suggesting why Iran would make such an admission, the expert noted that "Iran may have been dangling them for possible trade with the U.S."

Iran, said the expert, has for a long time now claimed that its cadre of al-Qaida operatives are under house arrest, but he noted that U.S. intelligence was "not sure about that."

Part of that uncertainty comes from intelligence that suggested that planning for the May 12, 2003 bombings in Saudi Arabia took place in Iran "and at a minimum the [‘arrested'] operatives came in contact with al-Qaida members outside Iran."

Phillips pointed to reports that no less than 25 key al-Qaida operatives were functioning in Iraq - including no less than three sons of Osama bin Laden (a total that takes into account Sa'ad).

Phillips joined other panel members in his concern that the best evidence of the Iran-al-Qaida connection may still rest between the covers of the 9/11 Commission's report, which is now 2 years old and was not exhaustive in its investigation as it was "just looking at the 9/11 attacks."

Panelists noted that at the very end of the Commission's summary on the Iran ties, it pointedly called for further investigations of the Iran-al-Qaida connection.

In a section of the 9/11 Commission's report entitled, "Assistance from Hezbollah and Iran to al-Qaida" that investigative body summarized:

[W]hile in Sudan, senior managers in al-Qaida maintained contacts with Iran and the Iranian-supported worldwide terrorist organization Hezbollah, which is based mainly in southern Lebanon and Beirut. Al-Qaida members received advice and training from Hezbollah.

Intelligence indicates the persistence of contacts between Iranian security officials and senior al-Qaida figures after bin Ladin's return to Afghanistan. Khallad (Tawifiq "Khallad" bin Attash) has said that Iran made a concerted effort to strengthen relations with al-Qaida after the October 2000 attack on the USS Cole, but was rebuffed because bin Ladin did not want to alienate his supporters in Saudi Arabia.

Khallad and other detainees have described the willingness of Iranian officials to facilitate the travel of al-Qaida members through Iran, on their way to and from Afghanistan. For example, Iranian border inspectors would be told not to place telltale stamps on the passports of these travelers. Such arrangements were particularly beneficial to Saudi members of al-Qaida.

Our knowledge of the international travels of the al-Qaida operatives selected for the 9/11 operation remains fragmentary. But we now have evidence suggesting that eight to 10 of the 14 Saudi "muscle" operatives traveled into or out of Iran between October 2000 and February 2001.

In October 2000, a senior operative of Hezbollah visited Saudi Arabia to coordinate activities there. He also planned to assist individuals in Saudi Arabia in traveling to Iran during November. A top Hezbollah commander and Saudi Hezbollah contacts were involved.

Also in October 2000, two future muscle hijackers, Mohand al Shehri and Hamza al Ghamdi, flew from Iran to Kuwait. In November, Ahmed al Ghamdi apparently flew to Beirut, traveling - perhaps by coincidence - on the same flight as a senior Hezbollah operative. Also in November, Salem al Hazmi apparently flew from Saudi Arabia to Beirut.

In mid-November, we believe, three of the future muscle hijackers, Wail al Shehri, Waleed al Shehri, and Ahmed al Nami, all of whom had obtained their U.S. visas in late October, traveled in a group from Saudi Arabia to Beirut and then onward to Iran.

Later in November, two future muscle hijackers, Satam al Suqami and Majed Moqed, flew into Iran from Bahrain. In February 2001, Khalid al Mihdhar may have taken a flight from Syria to Iran, and then traveled further within Iran to a point near the Afghan border.

Several of the 9/11 hijackers (at least eight) transited Iran on their way to or from Afghanistan, taking advantage of the Iranian practice of not stamping Saudi passports. They deny any other reason for the hijackers' travel to Iran. They also deny any relationship between the hijackers and Hezbollah.

After 9/11, Iran and Hezbollah wished to conceal any past evidence of cooperation with Sunni terrorists associated with al-Qaida. A senior Hezbollah official disclaimed any Hezbollah involvement in 9/11.

In a paper released today, Phillips expanded on alternatives open to the Bush administration in dealing with the crisis:

"The U.S. already has strong unilateral sanctions in place, but it can tighten them still further. For instance, it could ban the importation of Iranian pistachios and oriental rugs, both of which were exempted from sanctions by the Clinton administration in a failed effort to launch a diplomatic dialogue with Tehran. The U.S should also rigorously enforce the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act, which penalizes non-Iranian companies that invest in Iran's oil industry.

"Despite the U.N.'s weakness in confronting Iran, the Bush administration must press the diplomatic case at the Security Council to isolate Iran and set the stage for further sanctions, increased international cooperation in containing Iran, and possible military action as a last resort."

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